Did the fate of the executioners of the NKVD punish the execution of Nicholas II and the imperial family?

2024 Author: Richard Flannagan | [email protected]. Last modified: 2023-12-15 23:55

More than a hundred years have passed since those bloody events, but the controversy continues to this day. Who gave the order, did Lenin know about the destruction of the royal family, what happened to the executors of the sentence? These questions have not yet been answered unequivocally. The investigation of the ashes of the inmates of the Ipatiev House has not yet been completed. They are numbered among the Saints of the Russian Orthodox Church. Have those who committed this terrible crime paid the price and what kind of life they have lived?

Who gave the order for the execution?

During the period when the country was shaken by the Civil War, in fact, there was no single center. Local party branches had great independence and, often, their decisions could not correspond to the general policy of the party. The Ural Bolsheviks fought for a world revolution, and were very skeptical of Lenin. In addition, on the ground, it was sometimes necessary to react quickly, without waiting for the Kremlin's go-ahead.

There are three main versions about who gave the order to shoot the royal family, and even with all the children. The main and very logical version is a certain secret directive from Moscow, in which this order was given. However, the Kremlin was in no hurry to make any final decision regarding the emperor's family.

It is possible that the tsar was supposed to be used as a bargaining chip against Germany. According to another version, it could be kept for an open show trial. As a symbol of the triumph of justice, which had to be demonstrated to the whole country and even the world. Whatever one may say, but Moscow did not play into the hands of the cruel execution of the tsar in the basement. Hastily organized and rather demonstrating not the triumph of justice, but madness and cruelty. Moscow sought to get much more benefit from this.

The second version looks the most plausible, or maybe Soviet historians just liked it better. If only because it removed responsibility from the party leaders. Be that as it may, but it was in its confirmation that a lot of evidence was found.

The second version is based on the fact that the shooting of the Romanovs was an unauthorized decision of the Ural Soviet. And so independent that no opinions were asked from the central apparatus. But there were good reasons for this, too. The White Czechs attacked Yekaterinburg and the Bolsheviks retreated. The city was a key place of the struggle, if only because the whites were breaking through to the place where the king was. The Reds did not intend to leave him. At least alive.

The emperor and any member of his family could become a decisive figure - the symbol and banner of the counter-revolution. Therefore, with the rapid offensive of the whites, the Bolsheviks were forced to take radical measures.

It is not known whether the Uralsovet sent a letter to Moscow warning about its decision. At least, there are no such documents in the archives. Although it could have been destroyed, given that this only confirms the self-will of the Ural Soviet.

The third version is based on a telegram that fell into the hands of whites. Over time, they managed to decipher it. It turned out that this is the correspondence of the Uralsovet with the Kremlin. The former inform Moscow that the royal family has been shot, but officially they will “perish” during the evacuation.

In addition to these three versions, there are many others, including those according to which the royal family survived. Be that as it may, the enormous interest in the tragic event only emphasizes its significance for the history of the entire country.

Firing squad

There are more questions than answers in this story. It is not known for certain how many people participated in the execution of the king. It is believed that there were 8-10 of them. The group was led by Yakov Yurovsky. The names of the eight are known, but eyewitnesses to the event are so confused and confused that it would not be correct to rely on them.

For a long time there was an opinion that the group included Austro-Hungarians from among the former prisoners of war and Latvians. But the check showed that this version does not hold water. The execution itself was indiscriminate and did not resemble an execution itself, but rather a murder in a hurry. When those who carried out an unknown whose order were carried out, they did not at all care not only about the feelings of the executed, but also about their own honor. Crumpled, dirty, not execution, but murder. In this strange bloody performance, only members of the royal family managed to save face. They were strong in spirit no matter what.

The first shot, which became a signal for the others, was made by Yurovsky. Of course, he shot the king. Then came the shots of the rest of the Chekists. All were aiming at Nicholas II and Alexandra Fedorovna. They died almost on the spot. Yurovsky ordered a ceasefire, as one of the Chekists nearly lost a finger due to the continuous shooting. The princesses were still alive by this time. It's scary to even imagine what the girls experienced at that moment.

All the same, the would-be executioners did not manage to shoot everyone and immediately. Even bayonets were used. That is why historians call what happened a dirty act of terror. After all, even with unarmed women and children, the firing squad was unable to cope with several shots, but caused a real massacre. Now in Yekaterinburg, the place where the royal family was shot can be seen from afar. There is the Temple on the Blood. The building has two levels and the lower one was built in memory of the basement of the Ignatiev House, where these terrible events took place. There are gloomy vaults and, in general, a rather oppressive atmosphere.

The Ipatiev House was demolished in the 70s, despite the fact that it had the status of an architectural monument of the Russian level. The demolition was also politically justified. Various anti-Soviet sentiments, which were so feared in the Union, now and then hovered around this house. Yet this building was iconic and the Bolsheviks feared that it could be used for propaganda purposes.

A decisive role in this issue was played by Boris Yeltsin, then head of the Sverdlovsk Regional Committee. Moreover, a whole quarter was destroyed, where there were historical merchant houses. Everything was done so that the place could not be determined with reliable accuracy. Apparently, even the place itself could play a propaganda role.

And at one time, the Bolsheviks, retreating, did not think of destroying the crime scene - to demolish or set fire to a merchant's house. Literally a few days later, when the whites had already occupied the city, they began to investigate the circumstances of the death of the royal family. Moreover, they tried to destroy the bodies as much as possible, burned them, doused them with acid and took them to a flooded mine.

The fate of the executioners

For everyone who participated in the execution of the emperor, this event became almost a key event in their entire life. Most of them left written memories of that night. But based on the fact that the evidence does not agree, it remains to conclude that these "memoirs" are at the level of usual boasting. Pyotr Ermakov writes that he was the head of the firing squad, although the others write that Yurovsky was in charge of the trial. It is possible that such behavior of the executioners was an attempt to gain cheap authority before the people and the new government.

The fate of those who brought the death sentence to life was different. It cannot be said that the notorious boomerang was punished for the "holy family." Some of them lived a long and very eventful life, entertaining the audience with stories about their "heroic deed", receiving state awards, apartments and country houses. They had the opportunity to gather an audience and tell people about their "heroes".

After Yekaterinburg became "white", Yurovsky and two of his accomplices: Nikulin and Medvedev-Kudrin went to Moscow. Yurovsky and Medvedev-Kudrin received apartments near the Kremlin, Nikulin lived in the Moscow region, but in a mansion. Neither they themselves nor their family members knew the needs.

The men kept in touch and often met in the country mansion of Medvedev-Kudrin. Conversations always revolved around that very night. They never stopped arguing about whose revolver fired first. All three wanted to take on this role, to become the sole executor of the sentence.

In addition, Ermakov, who remained in Yekaterinburg, staged a large-scale campaign there to exalt himself. He not only wrote a memoir, but also donated it to the local museum, held meetings with young people and gave lectures. They applauded him and gave him flowers, recognizing him as a hero. Ermakov even began to go to pubs and demand a drink for free, in view of his "heroic past". Nikulin and Yurovsky also donated their historical weapons to the museum.

In the 60s, Nikulin and Isai Rodzinsky, who participated in the burning, gave an interview to Moscow radio. But it was by no means a transmission. A kind of facilitated interrogation. The records were immediately classified. During this confidential conversation, Nikulin said that often, when he was in sanatoriums, he was asked to tell about that night. He agreed, but on condition that a circle of reliable party members was assembled.

In this recording, men, in a learned intonation, tell about the circumstances of that night with details that made even the most seasoned investigators sick. For example, Tsarevich Alexei was 13 years old at that time, and 11 bullets were fired at him. “A tenacious boy. By the way, he was very handsome,”Rodzinsky's voice sounds everyday.

Nikulin, who lived to old age, did not at all regret what he had done. He even believed that they showed humanity by simply shooting the emperor's family. He repeatedly emphasized that if he fell into the hands of whites, they would do the same to him.

I don’t shake hands with executioners

Ermakov was buried in Yekaterinburg, and in its very center: at the Ivanovskoye cemetery. Nearby is the grave of Pavel Bazhov. A large tombstone decorated with a five-pointed star - it is clear that a significant person is buried here. After the end of the Civil War, he worked in the law enforcement system in Omsk, Yekaterinburg, Chelyabinsk. The culmination of his career was the position of a prison warden.

He often gathered a collective to give a lecture on how and why the king's family was destroyed. And most importantly - by whom. He received many awards, diplomas and was treated kindly by the party's attention. However, there is a story that Marshal Zhukov, who fell into disgrace and was transferred to the Urals Military District, did not shake hands with Ermakov when he met. Although the latter had already given it to him, the marshal noted dryly that he did not shake hands with the executioners.

Be that as it may, Ermakov survived this "spit" from Zhukov and lived to almost 70 years. A street in Sverdlovsk was even named in his honor. But after the Union died, the name of the street was changed.

He never held high positions, did not protrude much and therefore saved himself from the flywheel of repression. Although for him, too, there could well be an article. Nowadays, unknown people regularly poured paint on the monument at his grave.

Yurovsky also often had a chance to speak in public. But he understood that stories about the massacre of women and a child did not add status to him, an adult man. Therefore, he came up with a universal answer that guarantees him an excuse. He drew attention to the fact that not all people are politically savvy and do not understand that the little ones would grow up into the big ones. And the big ones would claim the throne. All together or each separately. In addition, alive they would become the banner of the counter-revolution.

Yurovsky did not live long, managed to change several places of work and his highest position was the post of deputy director of the factory for the production of galoshes. Problems with the digestive system bothered him all his life and in 1933 he died of complications. There is no grave of Yurovsky, his ashes were burned. Yurovsky was the most senior member of the firing squad.

After the execution of the imperial family, Nikulin lived for almost half a century, had the rank of colonel, and worked in the NKVD. He was buried with all the honors due. In his will, he asks to transfer his personal weapon, from which they shot at Nikolai's family, to Khrushchev.

Alexey Kabanov, a machine gunner, was also that night in the basement of a merchant's house. After the Civil War, he worked in the NKVD, and held good positions in supply. He was a personal pensioner and received separate payments for his outstanding services. Medvedev-Kudrin had the same title.

But another Medvedev, from the same firing squad, Pavel, was much less fortunate. For just a year, he outlived the Romanov family. He was taken prisoner by the whites, who, upon learning of his involvement in the fatal events, sent him to prison. There he died of typhus. Moreover, he himself told the whites that he was one of the king's killers. At first, he just worked in the hospital and helped the nurses. He opened his soul to one of them. She did not protect his secret.

After that, Medvedev was arrested, he denied his direct involvement and claimed that he was in the courtyard of the house when everything was happening. Interrogations were repeated regularly and by the time of his death the case had not yet been closed.

Stepan Vaganov was Ermakov's assistant and friend, but he did not have time to escape from the city, into which the whites were ready to enter. He hid in the cellar of one of the houses, but the white soldiers who found him destroyed it on the spot. It was already known who he was.

None of the firing squad left any bright trace in history. On the contrary, this bloody night became almost the main event in their lives, due to which they indulged their ego, asked for help from the state and considered themselves the arbiters of the destinies of an entire nation.