Table of contents:
- "Secret agent of the secret police Gapon", or how the tsarist government tried to distract the workers from the revolution
- For what purpose was created the "Collection of Russian factory workers of St. Petersburg"
- The Putilov incident and the beginning of a workers' strike
- "Gapon's miscalculation", or how Gapon advocated direct communication with the tsar and how the authorities reacted to the peaceful procession of workers
- How society reacted to the execution of workers on the orders of Nicholas II
Video: Fatal mistake of Nicholas II or cruel necessity: Why "Bloody Sunday" happened in Russia
2024 Author: Richard Flannagan | [email protected]. Last modified: 2023-12-15 23:55
In the history of each state there are especially significant, turning points. In Russia, one of these was on January 9, 1905. That infamous Sunday could have been a triumph for the Russian monarchy. Emperor Nicholas II had a chance to win the ardent love of his loyal subjects and gain the title of the Blessed One. But instead, the people called him Bloody, and the Romanov empire took an irreversible step towards its collapse.
"Secret agent of the secret police Gapon", or how the tsarist government tried to distract the workers from the revolution
For the Russian Empire, the beginning of the 20th century was a period of brewing of a revolutionary crisis caused by failures in the war with Japan, economic difficulties, and the difficult situation of the peasantry. The slightest wrong step on the part of the government could lead to an explosion. A way out of the situation was suggested by the head of the Special Department of the Police Department Sergei Zubatov. His idea was to legalize the labor movement. To prevent radicalized circles from influencing workers, you should create your own associations - controlled and managed. Led by reliable people, such unions will not follow the revolutionaries, but will focus on the economic struggle with employers.
The most suitable candidate for a leader loyal to the government of the workers' movement was Georgy Apollonovich Gapon, a native of their family of a Ukrainian clergyman. George followed in his father's footsteps. He was not particularly eager to become a priest, but, driven by ambition, after the Poltava seminary he went to Petersburg and brilliantly passed the exams at the Theological Academy. Soon he received a branch, where he began to hone the art of a preacher. It was then that he first came into the field of view of the security department.
For what purpose was created the "Collection of Russian factory workers of St. Petersburg"
Zubatov's program to create trade unions loyal to the government received support in the highest spheres of government, in particular, from the Minister of the Interior, Vyacheslav Plehve. The implementation of the project began with the creation of the "Meeting of Russian Factory Workers of St. Petersburg", the leadership of which was entrusted to Gapon. Georgy Apollonovich, with his bright appearance and outstanding oratorical skills, like no one else suited the role of the leader of the workers. The union led by him enjoyed immense popularity: the number of members of the "Assembly" grew rapidly, new branches were opened in different parts of the city.
In an intimate atmosphere, over a cup of tea, Gapon spoke to people so sincerely that the listeners did not doubt that this person seeks to help them achieve justice. He skillfully used the religiosity of the majority of factory workers and artisans and managed to direct their thought to the fact that all problems can be resolved peacefully. A big plus for the police was the fact that Gapon's preaching significantly reduced the authority of the revolutionaries. The members of the "Assembly" did not want to listen to radical agitators, did not read their leaflets, but blindly followed their spiritual father.
The Putilov incident and the beginning of a workers' strike
On January 3, 1905, a mass strike began at one of the largest plants in St. Petersburg - Putilovsky. The event was preceded by the dismissal of several workers, members of the "Assembly". Georgy Gapon tried to intervene and reinstate his charges at work, but was refused.
The Gaponites decided to support their comrades with a general shop strike, which grew into a general factory strike - 13 thousand factory workers quit their jobs. Now the Protestants were not satisfied with just the return of the dismissed, they demanded an eight-hour working day, the abolition of overtime, free medical care, and the establishment of a minimum wage. After the directorate refused to satisfy the strikers' requests, a call for a general strike was made in the northern capital. The workers of most large industrial enterprises joined the Putilovites.
"Gapon's miscalculation", or how Gapon advocated direct communication with the tsar and how the authorities reacted to the peaceful procession of workers
The confrontation that flared up at the Putilov plant expanded at an incredible speed. Georgy Apollonovich, who was listed as its leader, began to fear that the process would get out of control. The liberals of the Union of Liberation came to his aid, proposing to send a collective petition to the emperor. Gapon developed the idea - not to direct, but to refer, as they say, to the whole world.
And here is the early Sunday morning of January 9th. Tens of thousands of people from all districts of St. Petersburg are heading to the Winter Palace. Among them are young people and old people, women and children. They come with portraits of the sovereign, icons and banners. People hope that they will be met by the sovereign father himself (who actually was not in the city at that moment). The government had information that the demonstration was peaceful, but nevertheless it was decided not to admit the procession to the royal residence. Martial law was declared in the city, and armed police and regular army units were put in the way of the workers. Instead of the sovereign, the people were greeted with volleys of weapons. Data on the number of victims on January 9 vary - from one and a half hundred to several thousand. One thing is true: there are enough of them for the tragic event to receive the ominous name - "Bloody Sunday".
How society reacted to the execution of workers on the orders of Nicholas II
The events of January 9 did not go unnoticed. The shooting of unarmed protesters triggered a surge in strikes: violent in the national outskirts, more restrained in the central regions. According to the surviving information, nearly half a million people joined the strike movement. Petersburg entered the barricades, a significant territory of the European part of Russia was overwhelmed by peasant unrest, railway workers sabotaged the work. The revolutionaries and the opposition became more active, spreading rumors that the order to shoot the peaceful procession had been given personally by Nicholas II.
The press was full of demands for immediate reforms, political rights and freedoms, and a constitution. The emperor made an attempt to restore the authority of the regime: he held a meeting with delegates from the workers, made donations to the victims, legalized the possibility of submitting proposals to him on improving state structures. However, the result of "Bloody Sunday" - thousands of killed and wounded unarmed people - left no doubt that the end of the monarchy was near. From time immemorial, the Russian people saw in the tsar the embodiment of truth and justice. “Bloody Sunday” destroyed this faith and marked the beginning of the collapse of the autocracy.
And later something happened that no one could have imagined: how "Bloody Sunday" came to England, and Churchill had to fight "the victims of the tsarist satraps".
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