How an adventurer politician shook the Russian monarchy and outsmarted himself: Mikhail Rodzianko

2024 Author: Richard Flannagan | [email protected]. Last modified: 2023-12-15 23:55

Mikhail Vladimirovich Rodzianko, chairman of the State Duma of the III and IV convocations, pushed the emperor to the idea of abdicating the throne. But his attempt to consolidate his position and lead the government after the collapse of the monarchical power and its traditional state foundations and the February Revolution was not crowned with success. His desperate attempts to stay in power did much harm to the country.

Where was Mikhail Rodzianko, one of the leaders of the February Revolution, born and how did he build his career?

Mikhail Vladimirovich Rodzianko came from a noble family. Father held the position of assistant to the head of the gendarme corps, had a general's rank. His mother served as a maid of honor for Empress Alexandra (she died shortly after the birth of Mikhail). The elder brothers and sister of Mikhail Vladimirovich made a good career, and he himself did not lag behind them: having retired from military service with the rank of lieutenant, Rodzianko returned to his native Yekaterinoslav province, where he was elected a magistrate. Later he became the leader of the nobility, and in 1901 - the chairman of the district council, in 1906 - the actual state councilor.

He was a noticeable man in all respects: his large figure and loud voice, his obligatory presence at all any significant, big celebrations and his constant desire to be significant in public life greatly contributed to his fame. Rodzianko was not a man of great intelligence or a large-scale personality, influencing the course of events with his inner strength and emanating from a capital vision of the situation, and knowing a positive way out of it. But he actively participated in public and later political processes, government demonstrations (especially as chairman of the Duma); considered himself the spokesman of the will of the people and the second, after the emperor, the face of Russia, tried to respect his own and clan interests - a handful of people, large landowners who, in fact, held the state apparatus in their hands. He successfully maneuvered between the royal, legislative and executive branches. Rodzianko was very jealous of his competitors in politics (Guchkov, Lvov and others), wanting to constantly “play the first violin,” he loved to show off and was a pretty alarmist.

How the "godfather" of the "Octobrists" could become the second special in the empire and the political star of the country

Rodzianko's political career begins during the events of 1905. After the publication of the manifesto of October 17, which granted political freedoms, many political parties were formed, including the moderately liberal party "Union of October 17", which included officials, landowners, representatives of the big commercial and industrial bourgeoisie. The party claimed the role of a political center, fighting both reaction and revolution, and later made a tilt towards the left. Rodzianko became one of its founders. He was elected to the Third State Duma, and in 1911 became its chairman and remained in this position after the elections to the Fourth State Duma.

Rodzianko positioned himself as a supporter of the constitutional monarchy, considered himself to be the mouthpiece of public opinion and the Duma majority, he taught everyone and everything. During the meetings, he delivered his speech with the voice modulations of the narrator of epics, often emphasizing the importance of the moment, raising his index finger up. Having the right to report directly to the sovereign, he bothered him with reports of the difficult situation at the front and inside the country. Pretending that he cares about the good of the country, in fact, he often exaggerated, distorted the information provided to Nicholas II. When the Russian army could well have won, Rodzianko and others like him spread rumors in Petersburg about the nasty and hopeless situation of the army.

Rodzianko discouraged the tsar from going to the front, while this was his spiritual need, and besides, it would be a natural and right thing to do. And later, when everything was really bad at the front, he did not hesitate to slander the Empress Alexandra Fedorovna that this was all because of her and the influence of German relatives on her who were interested in the victory of Germany. In 1915, by persistence, Rodzianko demanded from the emperor the resignation of ministers objectionable to the liberals, demanding the formation of a government of public confidence, meaning by this people loyal to the Duma of that convocation.

What forced Rodzianko to be among the opposition?

Trying to remain in the eyes of the emperor a supporter of the monarchy and a confidant for him, Rodzianko, with the beginning of military failures, is included in the political process of changing the state system. Giving his manifesto excessive freedom to the liberal-minded part of society, Nicholas II freed the hands of the Duma majority, which did not set itself the goal of helping him in governing the country, but, on the contrary, trying to belittle the power of the emperor, was concerned about preserving and strengthening its influence.

Feeling and understanding this, Nicholas II kept in mind the idea of dissolving the Duma. Therefore, the convinced monarchist Rodzianko suddenly found himself among those who, by their actions, prepared the February Revolution. And when it was already done, the chairman of the Duma informed the emperor about the situation in the rebellious Petrograd, kept in touch with the commanders of the fronts. And then he completely headed the body that took over the functions of the government - the Provisional Committee of the State Duma.

Why Rodzianko's Adventure Didn't Work

The main intrigue of Rodzianko's life was the abdication of Nicholas II. The Duma chairman persistently pushed the emperor to this - as if only this step would save the country. But the abdication removed all obstacles to the revolutionary process, which was boiling again in the country.

Of course, Rodzianko hoped that he would take a prominent place in the emerging Provisional Government. But the supreme power slipped out of his hands. Yesterday's associates considered it necessary to remove him from any active role in the government, for he was not even provided with any ministerial post.

How Mikhail Rodzianko ended up on the sidelines of the political process after the February Revolution and where he spent his last days

The Provisional Committee of the State Duma was rapidly losing its influence. Rodzianko, who had no place in the Provisional Government, suddenly found himself on the sidelines of the political process. He could not accept the Bolshevik revolution and even tried to participate in organizing resistance to it. And then he joined the Volunteer Army on the Don. But too many there considered him almost the main culprit of the chaos reigning in the country, so no one showed special hospitality towards him.

Since 1920, after the defeat of Wrangel, Rodzianko lived in Yugoslavia, did not participate in political life, wrote his memoirs. Emigrant monarchists did not give him a pass, but besides that, the banal lack of money, who was accustomed to high prosperity and luxury, upset him. Four years later, Rodzianko died, but no one noticed his death - it was overshadowed by the death of Lenin.

But the whole course of revolutionary events could have gone completely differently if an ordinary bandit Koshelkov, who fell into the hands of Lenin himself, would have understood who was in front of him.